electronic journal of contemporary japanese studies
Article 3 in 2006
Teachers and Tea-Fetchers What the Future Holds for Japan's Junior College Graduates
Female student perceptions of the status, purpose, and value of a Junior College education
Senior Lecturer in Education Research
|4 year institution||2 year institution|
|total no. of students||of which female =||female as % of total||total no. of students||of which female =||female as % of total|
Source: MEXT Website: http://www.mext.go.jp/english/statist/06060808/pdf/080.pdf, accessed 7 December 2005 (data combined by the author and presented side by side for comparison and ease of reference).
The table above clearly shows the differential in enrolment figures in the two forms of higher education (4-year university and 2-year junior college). In both types of institution, numbers of females advancing to higher education has increased year on year. Those in the 2-year increased steadily until 1990, then began to slide. In that year, when the second 'Baby Boom' babies applied to enter higher education, approximately 150,000 separated the university and junior college female enrolments figures (584,155 women in universities/ 438,443 in junior colleges). This represents a high for the period in junior colleges, which proceeded to decline by approximately half to 220,090 in 2003. By contrast female enrolment in universities rose from after 1990 from 584,155 to 1.087 million, representing an increase of nearly 100%.
It is clear from the discussion above, that since the beginning of the 21st century, not only has women's participation in higher education been rising across the HE sector, growing numbers are opting for the more expensive (because longer) university course, despite its costs over the same period rising faster than the rate of inflation and faster than the growth in household income (Edwards and Pasquale, 2002). This change in college going behaviour goes hand in hand with credential inflation. It is incontestable, therefore, that the value of the associate (junior college) degree is driven down as a consequence.
In week 1 of the study a survey was conducted of every student on campus on the days in question. This amounted to 130 of about 200 students on roll. There were opportunities for multiple responses, and further individual personal comment was encouraged so that responses have been tallied and presented in terms of frequency of response and raw numbers rather than means. In week 2 staff interviews commenced and continued throughout the duration of the stay. A range of staff were selected, Japanese and foreign, newly appointed and experienced. In week 3, having established a certain familiarity with students, group discussions were held followed by a number of self-referring student interviews.
The sample is considered to be fairly representative of the general junior college population, for instance, there was some commonality with those previously studied in Kyosen. Whether they are representative is, however, not so significant. They are similar in many ways, in other ways they are unique, and are interesting to us both for their uniqueness and their commonality.
Increasingly, commentators are giving attention to the junior college in crisis, yet little has been heard of the perceptions of the participants. There are about 221,000 junior college students in Japan at present and their stories deserve to be told. Their numbers may be dwindling but their views are crucial to our understanding of this particular sector of Japanese higher education. The emphasis in this study is on the voices of some of these women and their tutors.
There were four lines of enquiry
The mission of the junior college in the 21st century staff and student awareness
The mission of the junior college seems to have become obscured over the years and many staff delivering courses revealed, through interviews, that they were quite unaware of its history and purpose. Exceptionally, one young British tutor observed that its function was to produce skills for work, but most staff had no idea about the mission, the history or the original purpose of the junior college. An American lecturer believed it was to help students who hadn't got into university first time round, a second chance (something like the 13+ exam for those who failed the 11+), or a high class juku. Another commented 'It's not students' first choice, it's last choice'.
A Japanese academic was very matter of fact. 'Junior Colleges are closing the original mission is obviously failing so, closures'. Nevertheless, she could see that, 'There is still a place as it is now, there is competition for the good schools, junior college is stage one of an academic career. It's not an end in itself; if so, we wouldn't be here, not in business'.
Other experienced staff, aware that this was not in fact the original purpose but, aware of the growing numbers of women aspiring to four year courses, could see a market niche opening up for junior colleges in crisis. According to one, in some departments they actually 'train them to transfer they are required to study hard, harder than the 4 year students, especially if they failed to enter university first time. Half of Department X go on to university, if Christian College recommends them they accept them'.
It would seem the changes to the mission are coming not from within the system but to pressure from the consumers who are using it as a first step to enter university in Japan, or conversely, an institution abroad. One comment was 'type of students is different now, students used to come from what was originally a mission school, they were high quality' [implying they aren't now]. However, it is said that, 'the students who transfer from this college directly into the third year of university are often better students than those already there who have spent the last two years playing they are older, they don't skip class'. The staff member explained 'Junior college students replace wastage, Monbukagakusho sets a quota for each daigaku'. A professsor with two decades of experience pointed to demographic changes and a weak economy. He emphasized that 'Two years is better for some parents'. He implied that a few years ago they (Christian College) thought it was all over, however, they are still in business. It is clear that many staff working in junior colleges, despite the writing on the wall, believe they will weather these storms and endure. He went on, 'I have a strong hope to survive even in a different situation'.
The status of a junior college education how colleges attract applications and why women apply
Academic staff testimony
Professor M explained that Christian College has a number of policies and procedures to facilitate applications. Firstly it has its own high school feeder. Like so many institutions it also has arrangements with other high schools, then, at the exit point, has arrangements with universities to take its graduates. He added that a common incentive to enrol in this college is its international links. 'Many Japanese young women have a strong desire to go abroad'.
Writers have commented on Japan's use of kokusaika (internationalisation) in higher education from which Japan has tended to be a beneficiary rather than a benefactor (Walker 1997, 2005: 171). So an international connection is seen by many institutions as an added incentive to attract students from the shrinking pool of prospective clients. Christian College has links with institutions in Australia, Canada and the UK providing study abroad opportunities in English language (a further attraction) and increasing the importance of the Anglophone courses at home. Some students touched on this in the questionnaire. McVeigh found a similar attraction in his study of 'Takasu' junior college. He comments 'As in so many other spheres of Japanese society, it is considered quite fashionable to possess an 'international milieu' (1997: 69).
A different perspective was offered by Professor N who stressed that above all, 'The product is good, it transforms women into something better Mothers in Japan want daughters to have a junior college education it's traditional, men are central, don't want women spending too many years, there are economic reasons, two years is better, cheaper than four.' This implies that Japanese parents are seen as the clients, perhaps because, as we have seen, they tend to shoulder the majority of the financial burden of higher education.
The majority of staff interviewed identified low academic standards relative to four year universities which they felt had an effect on the student profile. One foreign lecturer with experience of a number of institutions in Japan said 'It's not challenging they have lowered the bar and this impacts on the quality of the student experience, they gear the curriculum to the lower students, the teaching in the high schools impacts on college learning, still committed to short term memory [a reference to surface learning]. I feel like I'm babysitting, but if we didn't take them [low achieving students] we'd go out of business'. This was also the position in the Shiga prefecture college Kyosen in 2001 (Walker 2005:176). 'Institutions will take all comers rather than close down departments and fire professors (although in some colleges they are also doing this)'.
On the other hand, a Japanese academic who has worked extensively in European universities wasn't convinced that 4-year students were any more academic. On the contrary, 'I visited K [a very prestigious national university] many Japanese students male and female are so lazy they didn't come to school after Golden Week, only the foreign students like the Filipinos came' Junior College students are more serious'.
The lack of rigour in assessment practices in Japan, which seems
to some western academics to be left to the whim of individual professors and is
characterized by a very low failure rate, was implied by an experienced Japanese
tutor. 'There isn't parity across the curriculum, in department X students get
failed.' Furthermore, 'we give so much attention to the weak, we should give
attention to the stronger'.
The majority of students surveyed predominantly gave as their reason for enrolling in the junior college, 'to learn skills for the workplace (56 responses) 'preparation for a career' (45 responses) 'wanted a 2 yr qualification' (38 responses) (n = 139), indicating that students embrace the stated mission of the junior college to prepare them for working life.
Asked to comment further in their own words, a significant number of students confided that they would prefer to transfer after graduation to a university in Japan or equally to an institution abroad, [which they know Christian College can facilitate]. This is interesting because it entirely contradicts their selections above from the choices I offered in the questionnaire. Academics, as we have seen, also commented on the ambition of many students to progress from the college to university or study abroad.
Asked why they chose to enrol at Christian College specifically, as opposed to another college, students were invited to make multiple responses to the options offered. Sixty-eight selected high school teacher's recommendation, often known as Principal's recommendation, and 44 said high school recommendation system, a different way of expressing the arrangement mentioned above. Thus 112 of the 130 students polled entered the college by a fast tracking system. One student further commented that 'Christian College has a high school from which progress to the college is virtually automatic'. These responses make very clear that the likelihood of acceptance is a primary motivation for applying to this institution.
Other common responses included, 'Convenient location' [the college is a five minute walk from a subway station] and, 'influenced by the college's reputation' earned 47 and 25 responses respectively. Other students were brutally honest, admitting 'because I could gain entrance' and 'because the entrance exam was easy' (28 responses). A small number of students made it clear that they were aware of the 'high number of Christian College students transferred to university at the end of their course' (5 responses) and that 'Christian College has a number of international partners offering study abroad opportunities' (2 responses). The international factor, though selected by only 2 on this item, crops up time and time again in answer to a number of questions and is often mentioned by the staff as a pull factor, though how significant this is in reality is debatable. As we learned from McVeigh earlier, in Japan an international facade is all that is required.
How students evaluate their courses in the light of the college mission to prepare them for the world of work
When asked if they felt the courses offered at Christian College prepared them for careers, about a third of the responses indicated that students felt the college was not preparing them for careers. However, the majority seemed to feel strongly that the college was preparing them for employment, indeed, opening up job opportunities for them by virtue of knowledge and skills obtained on course. It is worth mentioning in passing, however, that students anywhere in the world are not always aware of the transferable skills and knowledge they are gaining.
Asked to explain how they were being prepared for employment some students simply stated, 'I am getting a qualification [crucial in a credential society] all the classes offered are related to my career'. Many declared they were learning the knowledge and skills they needed though they did not specifically name them. Communication courses were frequently cited as being useful in developing a range of good communication skills for future careers and especially dealing with a range of clients. A small but significant number stated that a knowledge of French was relevant. These were students interested in careers related to what students called 'aroma' or 'esthetics' or in patisserie or cosmetic companies. Some felt they needed to go to France to embark on such careers possibly an unrealistic expectation. The putative international ambience of Christian College was thought to be beneficial 'We have a lot of opportunities to meet foreigners which will help my future career.'
The magic ingredient in the overwhelming majority of cases is the ability to speak and understand English. It is seen as an instrument to facilitate every challenging task that working life can devise. Students testified that English, which is a specialism for the majority of students in the college but a core course for everyone, is important. 'To communicate in a shop, for cabin crew, for international life.' 'Polite English is necessary to be able to speak to customers' because, 'English is spoken in many countries. Editorial staff are sent to many countries UK, US,' implying that they need only pack a bag and go. Students took it as read that 'English is essential for PC users and secretaries'. According to these students even a travel agency is 'international', that therefore international language is necessary, and therefore English is necessary. The final word goes to the student who claims 'English is useful for any job.'
There were a few surprising comments. 'I'm already a teacher of English but my English isn't good enough.' 'I want to save refugees in the world.' 'I want to be a pilot so English is relevant.'
Most students implied that a junior college qualification would be an appropriate grounding for anything they went on to do, presumably because of English and the vaguely middle class ethos they would be able to emanate in the work place, but seemed unaware that they are restricted in what they can do by virtue of their absolute lack of specialist knowledge, mandatory for some careers such as being a professional pilot, from which they are excluded.
Junior colleges are said not only to prepare students for jobs but actually help them obtain one. These students, when asked, seemed very confident of help, but did not seem to have much idea of what this help might consist of. 'Teachers are very kind here so I expect they'll help me find a job when I know what I want to do, perhaps introduction to companies, recommendations.' There were also some rather unrealistic expectations. 'They'll tell me what kind of job suits me.' However, staff were judged to be very supportive, 'I had great support so far, they listen to us and give us support, advice.' Nevertheless, students expressed some concern about their future, 'I want to insure my future Find a job which suits me well I want a scholarship to go abroad tell me about foreign universities. I'll find out for myself but I'd like their opinion.'
Students had clear ideas about what actions would help, 'How to write CVs, How to study English effectively, Good job search guidance, Interview Practice.' And summing it all up, 'Classes which help me to find a job.'
Overall 78 students said they expected help, 51 didn't want help and 15 did not answer.
With all this help available, students were asked how well prepared they felt they were for working life. The greatest number of students (66) chose 'not really prepared' and the next most frequently cited, 'quite well prepared' (42) 'not at all prepared' (33), and only 13 students said they felt 'very well prepared'. This is not as contradictory as it seems. Students who filled in the questionnaire were from both first and second year. It is highly likely that the first year students might feel unprepared at this stage of their course but the second years felt a greater degree of preparedness. Further research might pursue this.
The majority of students (72) agreed with the statement that there was job-oriented content in the course and 47 thought there was not. Students offered the following as examples of job oriented course content:
English for business communication, not directly but English is related to job hunting, oral communication in English, conversation, use of polite English, TOEIC class [Test of English for International Communication], teaching English to children, secretarial qualification, office theory, human relations, business administration, preparing office documents, general principles of office work, computing, teaching practice, professional teaching qualification, economics, social psychology, languages.
Others implied that the skills and knowledge gained through the teaching methodology was useful. For example, 'We watch films, read magazines, use internet.' A couple of students offered 'tour guide class', though it is not clear whether this is an example of new curriculum or the foreign English teacher's role play activity which I observed. Another cited 'A class teaching manners for job hunting', something which came up frequently elsewhere, indicating how aware students are of prospective employers' high expectations regarding demeanour and appearance and the concomitant level of anxiety about future economic outcomes.
Asked if the course provided training for work, 19 said they didn't expect or want any training for work in college. They felt that the company they work for would give them training. However, in reality, this is much more likely to be provided for men, as we saw earlier (Saso 1990).
Seventy respondents said that elements of training were embedded in the course including: 'How to respond to answers during interviews, business words, communication skills, computer skills, management, Japanese expression' the ubiquitous 'English' and especially 'English for business communication, English [for] tour conductor', and 'English for secretarial skills'. One student volunteered 'The weakness in my PR has been pointed out.' Forty-five students said there was no training.
Through many years of working with Japanese students in the UK I have observed that, as a group, they are very reluctant to make overt criticisms especially when it appears to be directed at people older and, apparently, 'wiser'. The lifetime loyalty Japanese students pay to their sensei is universally acknowledged. A question directed at piercing this cloak of politeness simply asked if they would recommend a junior college to a friend. Forty per cent of those surveyed said they would not.
In terms of the career trajectories of the women, what value can we place on the junior college associate degree in the employment market?
We have already seen that the limited curriculum in most colleges cannot furnish students with the specialist knowledge required for entry to the major professions such as law, professions allied to health, science related careers and so on. Christian College students tend to follow 2 major programmes: Anglophone society and culture, or French language and culture. Students made more than one response to the question of their 'dream' career, with the result that there were 178 responses. These can be grouped together under a number of headings which, as the discussion below demonstrates, represented only 7 major activities, most falling clearly into a range of stereotypical images of the Japanese woman.
Teaching and Nurturing (43 responses)
The greatest number of responses pointed to some form of work
with children. Apart from a relatively small number who wanted to teach French,
the greatest number of students said they wanted to teach English but almost
unanimously specified to small children, some added 'my own children', and one
optimistic soul wanted to teach English in the US, which suggests she was
responding spontaneously to an 'ideal' vision for herself otherwise, they see
themselves as cultivating rather than instructing. Examples include: Teacher of
English (in USA), primary school teacher, teacher of English for small children,
teach English to my children, kindergarten teacher.
(Quasi) Internationally related careers (28 responses)
These roles included ground staff, flight attendant cabin crew
and the like. Some specified roles were international only by implication, such
as tour guide, travel agent, customs agent, or just vaguely 'working at
airline'. One student offered pilot, perhaps foregrounding the concept of
'dream' in the instruction to write down their dream career. Small numbers
mentioned doing any type of work in a foreign company and single individuals
mentioned working abroad. Moreover, there is an interesting fashion at present
in Japan. French pastries and confectionary are considered very chic. A small
but persistent group cited the 'dream' of becoming a patissier.
Predominantly female career domains (25 responses)
These careers included: sales assistants, buyers (especially of
imported goods the international cachet again), and particularly cosmetics and
clothes, and anything fashion related. Cosmetics was very high on the wish list
with make up artist, beautician, aromatherapist, and beauty treatment clinic
specified. Obviously the last mentioned implies the need for further training
but students gave the impression they simply wanted to be associated with these
glamorous roles in whatever capacity. Three students aspired to a rather recent
career - Wedding planner.
OL, or office lady (24 responses)
A popular nickname in English typically - indicates its very
ubiquity. Although students specified a range of preferred roles, nearly all are
low level subservient female roles found in nearly all businesses in Japan. The
OL arrives at the office half an hour before the male employees, makes the tea
in readiness for their arrival, photocopies documents, organizes the conference
table, and goes out at lunchtime to bring back the o-bento (take-out
boxed lunch, such as sushi) for the boss. I have also seen office staff in
Japanese institutions of higher education working unpaid overtime, including on
Sundays before important, let us say 'open days', on the Monday.
Included in this category were: Office lady, regular employee in a company/ in an office , in a hotel, receptionist, secretary, bank clerk, medical clerk , trading officer.
Caring roles (19 responses)
The point has been made above that higher education, especially
short-term, is thought to enhance the resume of young women in the marriage
market. This desire to make young women more attractive as wives can be enhanced
if the resulting career complements her preparation for being a 'good wife wise
mother'. Thus a significant number of respondents cited vague yet worthy
occupations such as: helping in the third world, working with people,
communicating with people, making people happy, and the ubiquitous child care.
Careers related to the 'greying of society', something of a growth industry in
Japan, were cited, including: welfare, taking care of people, taking care of old
Communication related careers (15 responses)
These respondents were communication majors, a very general
course unlikely to lead to a specialist career in publishing. Choices included:
translator (of children's stories), interpreter, editor, mass communication,
women's magazine, publishing.
Show business (16 responses)
It seems likely that the desire for such careers reflects the putative hedonism of young single peoples' lives in Japan, rather than their specialist fields of study. There is no evidence that this religious foundation women's college provided background or training for a working life in the entertainment industry. Nevertheless, DJ, dancer, actress, movie director, playwright, novelist, cartoon writer, model, Hollywood editor, artist, illustrator, film production (one person specified with Warner Bros), movie company or music related company were cited by respondents.
As with many questionnaires, this one threw up a number of outliers, eight in all: missionary, private detective and biologist (though there is no science course at Christian College). Bucking the trend, 4 students claimed to want to be housewives, and sadly one student wrote 'nothing'.
Since the majority of staff teaching in junior colleges are somewhat unaware of their mission, it cannot be otherwise that there is a certain amount of dissonance experienced by students and the educational professionals delivering the programmes in respect of their purpose, their status in society, and value in the employment market. Besides, it is clear that the junior college mission is changing, and not by the ministry's edict but in response to student demands. At Christian College I was aware of a palpably caring environment of small group teaching delivered by academic staff dedicated to supporting the ambitions of their students, however humble many of them may have been. The data supports the incontestable conclusion that increasing numbers of women are grasping the opportunity to spend two years growing intellectually in this sheltered environment with its scaffolded curriculum before advancing to the third year of a four year university and a bachelor's degree. They are, thus, forcing the pace, challenging once immutable customs and policies, and changing the system from within.
As to why hundreds of thousands of women are continuing to opt for two year programmes, the findings from staff and student testimony demonstrate that a powerful reason for enrolling in a junior college is the likelihood of acceptance. Indeed, to use Kinmouth's phrase, it is 'Not so much selection as seduction'. He talks of the 'a la carte admissions system' where students gain entrance, not by traditional exams but, as we have seen, 'high school recommendation, self-recommendation', and even those who take an entrance exam, 'take 3 then take the best 2' (Kinmouth 2005: 120).
Given that fee-dependent colleges are as eager to fill their empty classrooms as prospective students are to take their seats in them, this is a situation of mutual benefit in a country where education has always been a business. Moreover, students have a fairly strong conviction that there will be gainful employment at the end of two years of higher education, which is in itself an economy on what is a very expensive undertaking, though it has been clearly demonstrated that limited earning power may not justify the investment if judged purely on financial grounds. Furthermore, in a society where higher education is virtually universal there is societal pressure on 'good' parents to provide the highest level of education possible for their offspring. It is unthinkable for middle class parents to renege on this responsibility. Mothers especially, appear confident that junior college will provide a general education which will result in neither a salary nor academic profile high enough to disincentivise a prospective marriage partner, but will furnish the woman with a middle class aura, possibly even a veneer of chic internationalism, which will stand her in good stead in Japanese society.
In terms of the quality and relevance of educational experience, the junior college is seen to provide a suitable vehicle in which students can travel towards their objectives. These aims fall into two areas, employment and progression to university.
As for career choices, it appears that most students have committed to the gendered roles they are assigned or encouraged to adopt, and for which they have been socialized throughout the life course. On the other hand, as we have seen, about half the women surveyed were resolved to use their qualification to raise the stakes, entering an arena where the range of their economic outcomes could be expanded. We have seen that it is difficult for women to work themselves up from ochakumi (tea-fetchers) through the company ranks, but if they enter at a higher rank with a university degree they may thrive better, now that women are increasingly resisting the pressure to marry young.
It has been said that today's young women, emotionally dependent on their mothers, financially dependent on their fathers and growing up in small families, have little opportunity to experience much of the difficulties and complexities of life. Iwao (1993) goes further and suggests young Japanese women's idea of happiness seems largely made up of superficial ideas of beauty, fashion mere surface images. She claims they populate a world of women like themselves dedicated to the pursuit of consumption and hedonism, with little confidence in their own abilities to strive for something more substantive.
My own experience of Japanese students, spanning about twenty years, has shown that as a group they can be more responsible, focused, and competent over a range of social domains than their British and American counterparts. Whilst superficially less mature, when they find themselves in challenging situations they seem to be able to unearth profound reserves of sense and responsibility. This research would not have been possible without the help of three such young women, junior college graduates (as well as graduates of UK and US universities), who acted as conduits between languages, education systems, age groups and hierarchies, with a cluster of consummate social competencies and to whom I owe a debt of gratitude.
Japanese society devised a higher education system for (middle class) women that served elite society's purpose well, in perpetuating and intensifying the limited range of acceptable female roles. In the same way, throughout the recent past, the British education system constantly failed working class girls by defining and reinforcing their subordination through a second class education. Furthermore, in Britain today we are experimenting with short term higher education in the form of foundation degrees and work based learning. Government and academics equally are currently preoccupied with issues around short-term higher education and the false dichotomy of vocational or academic courses. There is also a measure of anxiety concerning levels of literacy, basic skills and the general skills shortage.
In Japan it seems there are indications that short term HE may have outgrown its usefulness in the 21st century. Yet there remains a need to fulfil its original purpose, namely to inculcate in young people the skills and abilities required for them to make a positive contribution to Japanese economic performance. The junior college has come to be thought of as a last chance saloon, with students participating by default. Perhaps the most important finding of this research is that caring academics can, as this small college seems to have done, find a way to listen to their students and work with them to meet their needs.
The author wishes to thank the Japan Foundation Endowment Committee for the research grant which made possible the fieldwork on which this article is based.
BRINTON, M.C., 1993. Women and the Economic Miracle. Berkeley: University of California Press.
CONDON, J., 1991. A Half Step Behind. Tokyo: Tuttle Books.
DOWER, J., 1996. Japan in War and Peace. London: Fontana.
EDWARDS, L. N., & PASQUALE, M. K., 2002. Women's Higher Education in Japan: Family Background, Economic Factors and the EEO Law. Working Paper 195, Center on Japanese Economy and Business, Columbia University, March 2002.
FUJIMURA-FANSELOW, K., 1985. Women's Participation in Higher Education in Japan. Comparative Education Review, 29 (4), 471-489.
FUJIMURA-FANSELOW, K., & IMAMURA, F., 1991. Women's Participation in Higher Education in Japan. In: E.R. BEAUCHAMP ed. Windows on Japanese Education. New York: Greenwood Press, 229-258.
GELB , J., 2000. The Equal Employment Opportunity Law: A Decade of Change for Japanese Women? Law and Policy, 22 (3&4), 385-407.
GOODMAN, R., 2005. W(h)ither the Japanese University. In: J.S. EADES, R. GOODMAN & Y. HADA, eds. The 'Big Bang' in Japanese Higher Education. The 2004 Reforms and the Dynamic of Change. Melbourne: Trans Pacific Press, 1-31.
HAMANA, A., 1993. Trend Analysis of Educational Opportunities for Women. Sociological Review, 64, 169-187.
HANAMI, A., .2000. Equal Employment Revisited. Japan Labour Bulletin, 39, 5-10.
HOUSEMAN, S. N., & ABRAHAM, K.G., 1993. Female Workers as a Buffer in the Japanese Economy. American Economic Review, 83 (2), 45-51.
HUNTER, J. E., 1989. The Emergence of Modern Japan: an introductory history since 1853. London: Longman.
IWAO, S., 1993. The Japanese Woman: Traditional Image and Changing Reality. New York: Free Press.
KINGSTON, J., 2000. Japan in Transformation. London: Longman.
KINMOUTH, E., 2005. From Selection to Seduction: The Impact of Demographic Change on Private Higher Education in Japan. In: J.S. EADES, R. GOODMAN & Y. HADA, eds. The 'Big Bang' in Japanese Higher Education. The 2004 Reforms and the Dynamic of Change. Melbourne: Trans Pacific Press, 106-135.
KNAPP, K., 2000. Still Office Flowers: Japanese women betrayed by the EEO law. In: A.K. WING, ed. Global critical race feminism: An international reader. New York: NYU Press, 409-425.
LAM, A. 1992. Women in Japanese Management. New York: Routledge.
LAM, A. 1993. Equal Opportunities for Japanese Women: Changing Company Practice. In: J. HUNTER, ed. Japanese Women Working. London: Routledge, 197-223.
MCVEIGH, B. J., 1997. Life in a Japanese Women's college: learning to be ladylike. London: Routledge.
MONBUKAGAKUSHO, 2003. Ministry of Education Basic School Survey 2000. Tokyo: Monbukagakusho.
MONBUKAGAKUSHO, 2003. Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology. Tokyo: Monbukagakusho.
MEXT, 2003. Formal Education, accessed 7 December 2006.
NAGASAWA, M., 2005. Gender Stratification in Japanese Private Higher Education. PROPHE University of Albany SUNY.
NAKATA, Y. & MOSK, C., 1986. The Demand for College Education in Post-War Japan. Journal of Human Resources, 22 (3), 377-404.
ONO, H., 2000. Are Sons and Daughters Substitutable? A Study of Intra-Household Allocation and Resources in Contemporary Japan. Paper presented at the Population Association of America annual meeting, Los Angeles, March 2000 and the European Society for Population Economics Conference, Bonn, Germany, June 2000.
ONO, H., 2002. Who goes to college? Features of institutional tracking in Japanese higher education. American Journal of Education, 109 (2), 161- 195.
ROBERTS, G.S., 2005. Women's Working Lives in East Asia, Journal of Japanese Studies, 31 (1 ) 150-154.
RETHERFORD, R.D., OGAWA, N. & MATSUKARA, R., 2001. Late Marriage and Less Marriage in Japan, Population and Development Review, 27 (1) 65-102.
SASO, M., 1990. Women in the Japanese Workplace. London: Hilary Shipman.
SHIMIZU, Y., 1992. Tandai ni ashita wa aru ka? (Is there a future for the junior college?), Tokyo: Gakubunsha.
WALKER, P., 1997. The Commodification of British Higher Education international student curriculum initiatives. Thesis (PhD). Oxford Brookes University.
WALKER, P., 2001. Fathers toil while students sleep. Times Higher Educational Supplement, July.
WALKER, P., 2005. Internationalising Japanese Higher Education: Reforming the System or Re-Positioning the Product. In: J.S. EADES, R. GOODMAN & Y. HADA, eds. The 'Big Bang' in Japanese Higher Education. The 2004 Reforms and the Dynamic of Change. Melbourne: Trans Pacific Press, 165-182.
WALKER, P., 2007. System Transition in Japanese short term higher education. What future for the junior college in crisis? Compare a journal of comparative education, March 2007, forthcoming.
WATANABE, S., 2003. Effectiveness of 2-year Colleges and the Performance of Their Graduates in the Japanese Labor Market, Higher Education Policy, 16 (4), 433-449.
YAMAGUCHI, M. 1986. A Cross-Cultural Study of Women's Vocational Aspirations and Education in England and Japan. Dissertation. Institute of Education, London University.
Currently lecturing in the School of Education, University of East London, Patricia Walker's specialisms are international university students affairs and comparative higher education. Having taught at Bayero University, Nigeria, her MEd dissertation at Newcastle University analysed the development of universal primary education (UPE) in Nigeria. Japanese interests originate from her management of language training for the children and spouses of Nissan executives in Sunderland in 1982. At Oxford Brookes University she ran a foundation course bridging Japanese students into UK HE, concurrently working for a PhD critiquing UK HEIs' international initiatives, including a case study of Japan. She spent a post-doctoral year in Japan investigating Japanese Higher education and recently conducted fieldwork at a junior college near Tokyo.
This page was created on 7 December 2006.
This website is best viewed with
a screen resolution of 1024x768 pixels and using Microsoft
Internet Explorer or Mozilla
No modifications have been made to the main text of this page since it was first posted on ejcjs.
If you have any suggestions for improving or adding to this page or this site then please e-mail your suggestions to the editor.
If you have any difficulties with this website then please send an e-mail to the webmaster.